One of the most insidious elements of contemporary Empire logic is its incredible understanding and use of the symbolic universe and specifically the power of ‘representation reality’. It is precisely because of this new development that previous strategies used in liberation struggles are now counter-productive. I am speaking specifically about the place of what is sometimes termed “Identity Politics”. I think we must re-evaluate this strategy in light of the much more sophisticated way in which ‘place holder’ identities are used to prop up the status quo and continue patterns of exploitation, dispossession, marginalization and ultimately wealth accumulation.
Some of these reflections are based on my recent reading of the works of people who speak of a kind of racialized Capitalism. It is also based on some of my recent discussions with various interlocutors. Here is what I am struggling with. How are communities that have been traditionally marginalized by the various patterns of domination respond to these continued injuries in our present moment? So we can speak of patterns of economic exploitation of Capitalism, patterns of gender violence (and exclusion) caused by Patriarchy and Heteronormativity, patterns of Racialized violence and marginalization created and perpetuated by White Supremacist’s ideology, patterns of ecological violence wrought by mindless consumption patterns and narrow visions of advancement as only defined by the narrow vision of consumerism, and ‘progress’. These are but a few.
One of the issues is how the Powerful have, in contermporay settings harnessed the place of what I am terming ‘place holder’ symbols to obfuscate the continued exploitation patterns. One of the foundational shifts in recent times is that the powerful, exploiters and those causing injuries have found out ways to create alternative ‘narratives’ and even symbolic expressions which give the illusion of actual change while in fact merely maintaining the status quo. Keenaga-Yamahtta Taylor speaks of the strategy of placing ‘Black faces in high places’. The most obvious and extreme example in recent times was to have an African-American become the highest elected public official in the United States of America. This for many represented the ushering in of not only a “post-racial” society but a kind of utopian vision realized. Many (not all) people in the United States had truly believed that the election of Barrack Obama as president of the United States would allow us to finally turn the corner on many of the most malignant problems found in the United States. It also offered for some in the world a beacon of hope for the possibility of change. If the United States of America, one of the most blatantly white supremacist country whose long legacy of slavery, and neglect/abuse for virtually all communities of color could free itself from the shackles of bitter hatred it seemed to portend that any thing was possible. Or so it seemed. While I firmly believe that the election of Obama to the presidency allowed for an unprecedented opportunities for all liberation struggles, I think we have to also see it as a ‘strategy’ by the powerful to forestall their demise.
I wish to posit another possibility. This is not to say that there was not an actual ‘shift’ in the horizon of possibility that did in fact open to the body politic in the United States after Obama was elected president. I do believe that the ‘historical force’ of his victory was much more than just the election of one African-American man into the office. Here we do see the incredible power of symbols and representation. What I wish to suggest is that I believe that the ruling elites had already seen the proverbial ‘writing on the wall’ that was begun by the authentic freedom movements of the 60s and 70s and had to create a strategy to displace the genuine anger, analysis and movement of the people.
During this fruitful period of revolutionary fervor there were some powerful alliances that were being shaped. There is large amounts of evidence that indicate that various oppressed, exploited and marginalized communities were joining forces and identify common enemies, and patterns. One of the books that explores one such example is found in the work of Lauren Araiza entitled “To March for Other: The Black Freedom Struggle and the United Farm Workers” . It is also important to do a much more sophisticated reading of the roots of the Gay Liberation struggle. I have found many other depictions of this ‘intersectional’ understanding of struggle from this historical period. We had multiracial groups do incredible work in analyzing the class dimension of many struggles. One need only think of the Blank Panthers using Maoist analysis to understand their predicament. It might be helpful to remember the wonderful insight of Brother Malcolm X who said; ” You can’t have capitalism without racism! It’s impossible too for a white person today to believe in capitalism and not believe in racism..” Or to remember that Caesar Chavez was in fact first and foremost a Labor Leader!
The power elites, or owning class began to figure out the true danger this degree of intersectional analysis and activism which portended disaster for the powerful. They went into their ancient ‘tool box’ of strategies for oppression and pulled an ‘old standard’. It was the ‘divide and conquer’ but with a brand new twist. Part of what was done was allowing certain ‘members’ of the previously marginalized communities to become part of the Empire apparatus. Simply put they were able to ‘co-opt’ some of the more gifted and charismatic leaders within each community. If they were certainly not the most important figures within the communities of origin the powerful were able to ‘create’ the illusion of importance and allow these figures to speak with an authority disproportionate to the communities they represented.
There are many examples but I will use only a few. One that comes to mind most immediately is the relative recent interaction between Whoopi Goldberg and Bernie Sanders in a recent interview on the View. It was very clear that there was already an agenda in the interview. The agenda was motivated by the ‘damage’ that a Sanders presidency would do to various elements/communities/individuals within the power elites wealth and power. It is also not by ‘accident’ that the person chosen to conduct this bizarre ‘ambush’ interview was an African-American female. The corporation who is in ultimate control of the content in this show knew precisely well why the use of someone like Goldberg would ensure a built in ‘defense’ against any critique. Particularly given that Bernie is ‘visually’ the representation of virtually all elements of the ruling class. Bernie being an old, white, wealthy man who has been involved in government for decades. Yet, when one takes a different hermeneutical lens to the situation you begin to see that the ‘representative’ of the marginalized community is here representing the traditional power arrangements.
The second even more glaring is the use of Sarah Palin as a ‘representative’ of working women and specifically Soccer Mom’s and Momma Bear personas In these two examples we see the use of members of the truly marginalized community (Women, African-Americans etc.) being used to re-introduce some very standard rationalizations for continuing to continue the old power arrangements.
The final is in a sense the most tragic. We are now entering our 18th year of our ‘war’ with Iraq that was based on the lies of the WMDs that were part of Saddam Hussein’s military threat. Besides Dick Cheney, the two ‘public faces’ of this war were Colin Powell, and Condoleezza Rice. It is not by accident that one of the most recent imperialist venture of the United States was ‘sold’ to the United States and the world by an African-American man. It is also interesting how the moment that Powell began to ask genuine questions and express authentic concern of the situation he became persona non grata in virtually all public discourse. This is also true, but in a much lesser degree, for Rice.
Here I find myself asking the famous question articulated by Vladimir Lenin in his magisterial work. “What is to Be Done?” I wish I could give some simple solution but we know that the historical reality in which we find ourselves (maybe this is always true?!) offers no ‘easy answers’. Here I will only give two or three cursory observations that might be developed to become a strategy.
Step One: I think we have to be honest that some of the ‘language’ and even the strategies that were once so important in previous periods of struggle may no longer serve to move any real humanistic, progressive agenda forward. I mean here particularly the place of ‘recognition’ as a good measure of not only where we are but also where we want to be? The Empire has figured out that it can in many cases (obviously not all!) just create the ‘illusion’ of progress or liberation by having individuals or ‘acceptance’ (or even more recently tolerance/celebration language) as a way to show they are on ‘our side’. This comes in many forms but frequently takes the shape of elevating certain individual persons or narratives as ‘evidence’ of how this systems is working and basically healthy. Instead of seeing it as merely a cynical ploy to cover-up the moribund quality of said system. I found this point recently salient in an interaction I had with a student. I had with a student of mine who is very much a product of his social location and also a defender of the status quo. He actually asked me (I have been asked this many times before) how I could be mad at a system that has worked so well for me? I grew up incredibly impoverished in El Paso, Texas. The son of a Bracero couple and here I am a Doctorate level educator. What more evidence do I need that indeed the meritocracy that is so present in our system works. The ‘cream’ really does rise to the top!! I had to remind the student that as a person of Faith, the measure of success in life is not measured by anything of ‘this world’ but rather by the capacity for the Kingdom (Reign) of God to be reflected “on earth as it is in heaven”. Basically we have to move away from the “Super” Individual model of success and recalibrate our criteria for what constitutes true and substantive victory.
Step Two: I think we in communities that have been horribly hurt by various other communities must find ways to not only mend the past (Not erase it) but also move past (through) it. This is best done by developing strong bonds of solidarity. I think this is especially done through a materialist approach to our communal struggles. What if the Brown Berets as part of their foundational documents always explicitly put in something about seeking justice for low wage workers? What if all women organizations designated a certain amount of their budget to the care of the differently abled community? What if every community that is struggling, exploited, marginalized made it a point to make part of their communal well being be measured by the well being of members not in their ‘tribe’?! I mean that this would be made manifest in very concrete elements.
Step Three: I think that we must move from language (and experience) of acceptance, tolerance and even celebration to delight. In the Scripture the language of God delighting in God’s Creation. If we are to try to walk the walk we must actually begin to delight in all of our sisters and brothers. This includes all creation!! To the degree that we speak in the other terms (acceptance, tolerance etc.) we are bound to a kind of individualistic paradigm that posits a kind of uniqueness to each of us that can at time be detrimental. The reality is that we are all creatures of something much larger, mysterious and grander than we will ever be able to fully comprehend! That which made us (I hesitate to give any word here) seems to delight in us! Let us do the same with/for each other. This also must include our defending those who seek to harm creation and this beautiful covenant reality with a fierceness that can only come from understanding our common kinship. Think of how we defend those who seek to harm our ‘self-identified’ tribes, or communities. What if we extended this loyalty to all creation, and frankly all reality. How might this shape our politics, economics, cultural practices, sexuality, etc.
In the end my work has always been about trying to learn how best to live the Love Commandment as expressed by my Master; Jesus. I think we are at an interesting juncture in which not only a new language of love must be co-created, but a new praxis of love.
